Conservative wheelhouse: Assuming the impossibility of mutual recognition

David Graeber summarizes Hegel’s account of human desire for recognition in the Master-slave dialectic as a prime example of conservative theory’s assumption of the impossibility of mutual recognition. Most philosophers and many social theorists playing in the conservative wheelhouse proceed to theorize recognition upon the assumption of highly-unequal, slavery relations as normal, universal human relations. “But it’s one thing to say that the quest for mutual recognition is necessarily going to be tricky, full of pitfalls, with a constant danger of descending into attempts to dominate or even obliterate the other,” Graeber cautions. “It’s another thing to assume from the start that mutual recognition is impossible.”

“As Majeed Yar has pointed out (2001) this assumption has come to dominate almost all subsequent Western thinking on the subject: especially, since Sartre refigured recognition as ‘the gaze’ that, he argued, necessarily pins down, squashes, and objectifies the Other.

As in so much Western theory, when social relations are not simply ignored, they are assumed to be inherently competitive. Todorov notes (2000) that much of this is the result of starting one’s examples with a collection of adult males” (Graeber 2015).

Philosophy rejects collectivist, knowledge-building science, rigorous, collectively-regulated empirical methods to discern the range of –not just probability but also– possibility, including by identifying trends, averages, standard deviations and other summaries of main dynamics in a select place and time, as well as variations within that milieu and in main dynamics across space and time, identifying via theory, correlation, time-order, and comparison together their contributing factors, to systematically refine and correct these descriptive and explanatory frameworks collectively. In science, empirical disconfirmation of theory is maintained as part of the knowledge ideal–thus, the pursuit of scientific knowledge employs a diverse collectivism; one study is not science, nor is uniformity stable in this kind of collectivism (per Kuhn 1962).

Science constructs probable descriptions of what tends to exist or not, how–under specified relations or conditions, within a comparative understanding of the constellation of possibility in complex, often reflexive life relations. Philosophy’s desultory knowledge method, by contrast, tends to rather rely on a few, fetishized “expertly”-chosen cases (Olympe de Gouges!) exclusively confirming elite interests (Social rationality = death!). Philosophy celebrates the exception.

Not theory exactly, but due to its method, in particular philosophy’s (including theory primarily based on philosophy) long-term characteristic problem tends to be importing, as its bed of assumptions, the wisdom of the ruling social segment–classically, property-owning man between the ages of 20 and 50. While we have arrived at a point in global capitalism where such perspective can be readily denounced, the discrediting move tends to issue from within the desultory, antidemocratic-elitist philosophical knowledge project itself, and in the conservative effort to maintain manufactured scarcity across global integration, it tends to be directed at waged workers and science, or rather, commercial scientism qua science tout court. Weber saw doom in the shift from princely state managers to working-class state bureaucracies. Bruno Latour has made a career and academic institute based on showing that white-coated technicians working in commercial labs are irrational. Foucault reified opportunistic, scientistic Psychology as his reduction of science, even while admiring conservative economics. Philosopher GA Cohen argued that in the communist utopia the affront to philosophy that is social science would die, as it contributes nothing to knowledge besides demystification of labor and commodities. With these expert Great Man philosopher selections of cases “demonstrating” that Enlightenment scientific method offers no advantages to knowledge issued by Great Men serving warlords, and many disadvantages (a lack of independent genius, per Nietzsche), philosophers–particularly the French school by way of the German-Catholic idealist philosophy tradition–protect and advance the reputation of philosophical contributions to knowledge, based upon an elitist assumption bed–particularly elite distributions of misanthropy and anthrophilia, elite assumptions about the distribution of sovereignty and rationality, and elites’ recognition failures, in addition to assuming that humanity is reducible to young, elite male experience, including autism and unbound competitiveness. These elitist assumptions provide the foundation for arriving at the philosophy and theory objective, the foregone conservative-wheelhouse conclusion that non-elite human development and democracy are impossible. It is a venerable, neat political ecology.

(For a prime example, see the neo-Hobbesian, French (cum German idealist)-school philosophy of Justin Smith, as his recent contribution to this tradition offers a crystallization of this ancient, antidemocratic Atlantic elite project.)

Elitist Idealism v. Democratic Materialism

Graeber discusses Catholic Europe’s Medieval psychology theory, which started with the proto-Cartesian premise of a human soul divorced from an object world, where a kind of intermediary mucus or film, a “pneuma,” was posited to represent that world like a script or teevee show to the temporarily-embarrassed (separated from Heaven) soul of man. Desiring to apprehend and embrace that world–for example with the human body– was pathological, in Catholic Medieval thought. In its ethics, the externally-imposed passion must be self-managed, via a priest-like, contemplatory orientation to the imagined pneuma.

This baroque and improbable idealist theory set up a few conceptualizations useful for inegalitarian organization in feudalism: 1) Humans are conceived as utterly alien to Earth. This alienation will be useful, from a warlord perspective, in isolating people and extracting and exploiting. 2) As shared sovereignty within human relations is impossible, desire is reduced to unrequited sexual tension. The male adolescent experience is reconceived as the universal human condition, and we all pretend priests don’t molest children. 3) Ethics: The proper business of man is not to organize and engage in collective action with other people, since slavery relations are universal and we cannot share sovereignty. It is to sit alone on the couch and absorb the Pnetflix…er, pneuma, a normative individualism sanctified as a relationship between a man and his imaginary lord. Man is a teenage monk.

Graeber’s genealogy identifies an historical shift from understanding individualist, imaginative desire as erotic, in Medieval Catholic Europe, to understanding it as consumption, eating food, a universal, individualist act of private property destruction and incorporation in global capitalism.

“The ultimate proof that one has (absolute) sovereign power over another human being is one’s ability to have them executed. In a similar fashion, one might argue, the ultimate proof of possession, of one’s personal dominium over a thing, is one’s ability to destroy it—and indeed this remains one of the key legal ways of defining dominium, as a property right, to this day. But there’s an obvious problem here. If one does destroy the object, one may have definitively proved that one owns it; but as a result, one does not own it any more.”

In either the conservative Catholic tradition or the liberal capitalist tradition, desire is propelled, and an inegalitarian social order is perpetuated, by the logical impossibility of an isolated individual simultaneously having a cake (or bang, or slave) and eating it too. These are logical proofs of the impossibility of absolute sovereignty distributed across human individuals. What ho, we’re not gods. The infantile passion imposed by the gulf separating man from consumerist utopia in capitalism is conceived as the proper focus of individualist man. (This is why psychologists classify philosophers as neurotics.) Man’s passion is imposed upon man from outside, above. It is solitary man’s duty to self-manage the imposed passion, and not to judge, decide, and act collectively, not assess and allocate resources to wants and needs over time and across life, as per materialist philosophy. Selecting illustrative cases, philosophers and economists pump out denunciations of such shared, socially-rational use of full human capacity, while conservative Catholic legal authorities forbid it in favor of elite rationality.

Note by contrast what democratic Enlightenment’s scientific approach to knowledge does with the reality that humans are not gods: It devises social knowledge-acquiring methods that both deploy our human capacities and compensate for our human limitations. Not Genius-boy philosophy, tho, based as it is upon a misanthropy that instrumentally excludes the exceptional.

Ideas before Organization

In Graeber’s theory, the origin of capitalism is Medieval Catholic Europe’s individualist idealism, the conceptual requirement for consequent capitalist individualist practice.

“The shift from a conception desire modeled on erotic love to one based on the desire for food (“consumption”) was clearly a shift in the direction of popular discourse; at the same time, though, one might say the innovative aspect of modern, consumeristic theories of desire is to combine the popular materialist emphasis on consumption with the notion of the ephemeral, ungraspable image as the driving force of maximization of production.”

“The idea of human beings as creatures tainted by original sin, and therefore, cursed with infinite wants, who therefore were in an almost natural state of competition with each other, was already fully developed in authors like St. Augustine, and therefore a part of Christian doctrine throughout the Middle Ages… the notion of the maximizing individual existed in theory long before it emerged in practice.” Still in Catholic European Medieval society, “almost any increase in popular wealth was immediately diverted into communal feasts, parades, and collective indulgences. One of the processes that made capitalism possible then was the privatization of desire.”

Distinguishing Making (Unalienated Work and Social Reproduction) from Consumption

Graeber calls for scholarly specification of what we identify and analyze as consumption, limiting consumption to those activities that involve incorporation and destruction (eg. burning fossil fuels) driven by capitalist possessive-individualist desire. He argues that expanding the concept of consumption to encompass all of human life beyond the manufacture of commodities renders absurd moral narratives. “When ‘creative consumption’ is at its most creative, it’s not consumption; when it’s most obviously a form of consumption, it is not creative.” In inflating the concept of consumption to conform with a marketeer’s desiderata, scholars are rendered sub-critical, ridden by the historical, hegemonic metaphor, not scholarly. Scholars of integrity–as opposed to court philosophers–have to be able to distinguish between activities that are really semi-sovereign, unalienated, and creative making (in Scarry’s 1985 sense), and those that are not.

This distinction, however, requires of conservatives and liberals a perhaps-impossible conceptual shift to recognition of non-elites as humans, with a human range of capacities and limitation, capable of human development and making. It forces a conceptual shift in our understanding of sovereignty–not to dispense with the notion, but to shift it from a God-like absolute ideal, jealously monopolized over a dominion, to an alloyed and socially-distributed attribute, fit for a social life on Earth.

By classifying all non-productive activities as consumption, commodified acts of ceremonial destruction making way for more production, we deny all human making (imagination and realization to address a suffering) beyond the capitalist class. Consumption scholars “are categorizing all non-alienated forms of production as consumption, which has the incredibly reactionary political effect of treating almost all every form of unalienated experience we do engage in as somehow a gift granted us by the captains of industry.” Graeber calls for us to replace the (pseudo-) “Marxist” (capitalist) opposition between production and consumption with another understanding of human activity–effectively Marxist social reproduction, what Anthropologists conceive more idealistically as “the sphere of the production of human beings, not just as labor power but as persons, internalized nexes of meaningful social relations.” Human creative activity essential to capitalist value accumulation, because mostly uncommodified and so expropriated.

(Graeber, an anarchist, sometimes is a little sketchy on Marxist theory, or at least prone to viewing the Frankfurt School as a logical extension of Marx, rather than an historical-psychological extension from the Holocaust. Note that while Marxists do analyze consumption as one of several forms of capitalist alienation–commodity fetishism, the Marxist “sphere” distinction is between the sphere of production and the sphere of circulation (not a “sphere of consumption”), and that contrasting-spheres conceptualization serves in Marxist theory to explain capitalist incentive, anxiety to secure the surplus, profit.)

“Insofar as social life is and always has been mainly about the mutual construction of human beings, the ideology of consumption has been endlessly effective in helping us forget this. Most of all it does so by suggesting that: a)human desire is essentially as a matter of a relation between individuals and phantasms; b)our primarily relation with other individuals, then, becomes an endless struggle to establish their sovereignty, or autonomy, by incorporating and destroying aspects of the world around them; (MF: So idealist capitalist phagocytotic desire compels us to revoke others’ sovereignty absolutely.) c) this logic ultimately becomes the basis for ways of imagining the very possibility of relations with other people (the (Sartrean) problem of “the Other”); d) materially, it becomes the basis for imagining society as a gigantic engine of production and destruction in which the only significant human activity is either manufacturing things, or engaging in acts of ceremonial destruction so as to make way for more: a vision which in fact sidelines most (social reproduction) things that real people actually do, and insofar as it is translated into actual economic behavior, is obviously unsustainable.”

“Even as anthropologists and other social theorists directly challenge this view of the world, the (overly-broad,) unreflective use and indeed propagation of terms like ‘consumption’ ends up completely undercutting their efforts and reproducing exactly the tacit ideological logic we would wish to undercut” (Graeber 2015: 30).

…That is if consumption theorists wish to undercut the Catholic-capitalist logic. But it’s not clear that anyone playing in the wheelhouse of conservatism wants to undercut conservatism’s logic. Perhaps all they aspire to do is wittily, pseudo-critically, conservative-ethically coordinate and regulate pneumatic contemplation, prescribe the self-management of the delegated passion, wonder at the creativity–a munificence bestowed by capitalist lords upon the multitudinous bellies, and assert the fatal impossibility of mutual recognition, shared sovereignty,  non-elite development, and democracy.

See also: Post on Star Wars: An Ethics Discourse on Who Made Me?

 

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Capitalist Murder

“Behind the self destructive behaviour, the authors say, are economic factors, including rising poverty rates, unemployment, financial insecurity, and corruption. Whereas only 4%of the population of the region had incomes equivalent to $4 (£2.50) a day or less in 1988, that figure had climbed to 32%by 1994. In addition, the transition to a market economy has been accompanied by lower living standards (including poorer diets), a deterioration in social services, and major cutbacks in health spending.” James Ciment 1999

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1116380/

“Though the Whites executed and starved tens of thousands of Reds after the war, they were particularly ruthless with the Women’s Guards. White soldiers raped and mutilated them before shooting them dead. Their bodies were stripped naked or twisted into obscene positions.

A 2016 study by a young historian, Marjo Liukkonen, uncovered evidence revealing that the Whites executed far more women and children in the infamous Hennala concentration camp than previously believed.” –“Finland’s Red Women,” Jacobin

A Century of U.S. Intervention Created the Immigration Crisis.

 

View this collection on Medium.com

The Canadian Ideology, or Capitalism’s Innocent Extractive Rentiers

Canadian finance & extractivism:

Canadian banks loaned $71 billion to extreme fuel extraction, mostly tar sands oil extraction, between 2015 & 2017.

–Mark Hudson & Katelyn Friesen. 2019. Finance, Fossil Fuels & Climate Change.

Around about the same time, we can call it the Trump Era, the CBC launched the show “Now or Never” and killed the show “This is That.” Where “This is That” gently but firmly and repeatedly lampooned the shallower seas of Canadian excesses, as they’re expressed through corporate media, “Now or Never” exudes excess, producing show after show of painfully sincere interviews with Canadians bravely, optimistically laboring to overcome adversity and odds. It’s a less-conservative brand of positive psychology, and its 30-something hosts have clearly been processed through years of psychotherapy. They’re here to demonstrate that through caring listening, we’re all going to have a good cry and everything is going to be okay, particularly as everything is backed by an upbeat soundtrack.

Goldilocks in Canada, or how Canadians learned to stop worrying and love the haul truck

john a macdonald

Innocence the Canadian I

What’s Just Right capitalism? In the Canadian nationalist brand narrative, Once upon a time the British ran roughshod over the world, not listening to everybody. Americans fought,  imprudently, to throw the British boors off. The Americans probably should not have fought, but just waited for the British to mellow, like Canadians do. For inevitably, one day out of the blue, the Twitter account of Donald Trump arose to encourage the flowering of assholery amongst Germanic Midwestern Americans, specifically, and not the better, more successful ethnics living la moralism liberal at the coasts (Southerners are simply conceived as black victims and not discussed).

There is a strong, fabulously-idealist Canadian belief that by circulating a Canadian-brand counter discourse of positive  psychological caring, and politesse, as exemplified in “Now or Never,” civility can be restored. But Canadians are aware of their numerical disadvantage and anxious that such upstanding Canadian modeling may not be enough to counteract Trump Twitter account’s magical capacity to transform people in the U.S. and around the world into ruined orcs. Canadians, like neoliberals everywhere, suggest that in addition to Canadian socio-psychological management expertise, social media should be regulated, or outlawed, so that the corporate communications professionals who once successfully monopoly-managed mass thought on behalf of the capitalist class may be restored to their rightful place in the celestial order. Canadians, extractive rentier capitalism managers to the Anglo-American empire, believe that affective management can heroically save capitalist civilization. Where have you gone, Maynard Keynes? Our nation turns its lonely eyes to you. Coo-coo-ca-chew.

[This summary of the Canadian ideology was brought to you, via me, by Canadian mansplainers on the XMas holiday party tour circuit. Did you know that if you patiently listen to a full grown man monologue about his work for half an hour or more at a party, he might get around to inquiring what you do eventually, whereupon he will listen for 2 minutes before launching into what he has learned about how the world works from listening to proper corporate communications in the broadcast media? I know that the mansplaining is being presented as an opportunity for me to affirm our (his) shared nationalist identity, but I lost the will to confirm that I too have a radio that receives CBC comms.]

Tessa_Virtue_and_Scott_Moir_skating-1024x768

We’re all impressed by Canadian Virtue

The Canadian imagination is self-congratulatory and idealist–willfully political-economy-blind, emerging from and camouflaging Canada’s function as the remote manager of mining in the global Anglo-American empire. While Canada has the normal, excessive Anglo-American load of junk jobs, these are foisted upon the disrupted populations that are relocated to Canada when the Anglo-American empire bombs out their homes. For older waves of settlers, Canada offers economic opportunities managing extractivism, including managing disrupted populations. That sub-specialty imparts a managerial social work guard labour habitus. It is what Canadians use to imagine and sell themselves as having figured civilized capitalism all out.

Americans love it, because stuck American settlers love the idea that capitalism is somewhere truly felt as something other than the belligerent, unfulfilling, inegalitarian, contradictory, carceral casino shitstorm that they experience in the belly of the beast. So Americans feel tenderly toward the  Canadians. The fact that Canadians secure moral cohesion by obsessively sharing jackass affirmations reducing Americans to a ruined orc race doesn’t bother Americans, who are confident that the Anglicized people stationed up there in good old Canada will continue to diligently execute their job, digging up oil and other minerals, generally directing a flow of carbon slaves, and upon that, a more important pipeline of rents to Wall Street and the City of London… All the while of course managing young women to, at the margins, grab the “Now” and serve up donated meals, afterschool care, and photovoice trauma processing as an ad hoc symbolic substitute for any viable social reproduction of the massively-fucked indigenous and immigrant populations within the core capitalist country.

who-me-innocent

Canada’s ubiquitous hymn to itself: All the comms to all the problems, All the liberal moral exclusion, All the sublimely-oblivious sanctimoniousness.

And it seems that Americans’ measured confidence in that flow from Canada is well placed. Perhaps Americans’ imperturbable confidence in Canadians can even serve as a model of rational civility.

tarsands2

What if you couldn’t control the capitalists…er, “Americans”…with professional middle-class messaging?

Foucauldians explain why we can’t have nice things

My hypothesis is that the liberal idea that there is a ruined orc race of Germanic Midwesterners occupying Flyover US, who are ruining everything, is resonant in Canada for related (liberalism) but slightly different reasons than why it’s resonant in the Meritorious part of the US.

Foucault makes tons of sense to Canadians, because Foucault’s socio-philosophical project was to show that social construction is not macro or micro, but meso, accomplished by a mob of state workers and other illegitimate, crude, working-class  aristocrat-pretenders, whose paid work can only construct unfreedom–not because they are working within a macro-constructing capitalist context, but because any organized attempt to commandeer the state and extend sovereign agency to the naturally subordinate (democracy) only creates an illegitimate, perverted power, and suffering. For liberal Canadians, this is a perfect anti-socialist framework for explaining a) why we need to accept capitalist sovereignty, b) why reforms need to target and regulate state workers, devolve working class state supports to private charity and PPPs, and c) why indigenous people in Canada have a hard time.

When liberal Canadians try to imagine what is wrong with Americans, they rely on Loyalist beliefs and they extend the liberal Foucauldian imagination to the US, where they imagine hinterlands Germans in the amorphous role of the meso social-construction mob, fucking up everything.

 

Proceduralist policing: The fine art of Canadian integration

Power is demonstrated, social, economic and political incorporation is managed, and scarce quality, developmental work is allocated by imposing asymmetrically upon people peripheral in Canadian networks a substantively-irrational system of step-wise rules of service and payment requirements. Only through a protracted, even depleting process of remitting reproductive service and payments, policed by a centrally-networked gatekeeper, may the newcomer access cooperation, credit, and the quality labour market. National and local social, economic and political network centrality is the defining condition of credit and cooperation, and all other qualifications and demonstrated capacities are systematically denied.

 

Example 1: A mature student has a 20-year old undergraduate degree in the Humanities from an Ivy League school, a JD, and professional, international (Commonwealth) experience as a litigator. Due to personal interests, she wants to be an academic criminologist researcher and she wants to immigrate to Canada. In addition to her extensive formal education and proven scholarly abilities, she has Anglo Empire (Commonwealth) cultural capital. Her professors recognize her as an “excellent student.” But she is female and ethnically ambiguous.

In Canada, her considerable qualifications are denied as material, she is required to undertake an undergraduate degree in criminology, a semi-vo-tech field with no bar to entry. She performs at a graduate level in these courses. She is prohibited and re-routed from building upon her substantial scholarly skills base, practicing graduate-level research or taking graduate-level courses. The only possible function of this re-routing is to preserve such experience and networking opportunities for far less-qualified birth-Canadians.

In this way, Canada ensures that it never need devote sufficient resources to social reproduction. It can skimp on early-years family supports, housing, health, and education. Safe behind proceduralist policing, Birth-Canadians can coast on their family networks while the newcomers who Canada imports must flip burgers, tend to the babas, and pay Canada to retake welcome-to-university courses.

This waste of human capacity is a normal example of Canadian proceduralist policing, seen prominently to function in the mismatch between requirements for immigration and immigrant relegation to the large liberal junk job labour market (Esping Anderson 1990: 207). It is reminiscent of the gendered labour misallocation in Canadian STEM. Such anti-immigrant, discretionary but also institutional gate-keeping is reinforced by a nationalist culture rooted in colonial Anglocentrism. Regardless of pro-immigration policy and a business-led pro-immigration culture, proceduralist policing on behalf of nativist-biased skills and contribution misallocation contributes to the perpetuation of structural racism and imperial colonialism.

Canada’s is a version of meritocratic culture where boundaries (borders) are enforced at the micro-level, along regional and national social networks and along national status, via recognition refusal, proceduralism, and a deprioritization of substantive rationality. Nativist qualifications recognition and nativist labour management permit Canada’s exploitation of high levels of reproductive labour undertaken in sending countries–Canada’s labour market reproduction. As well, nativist-chauvanism feeds overqualified immigrants to the perpetuation of a high load of marginal businesses and junk jobs (a value-circulating brake on productivity). Politically, this pro immigrant-exploitation nativist coalition may be the structural foundation for widespread conservative-liberal political consensus in Canada.

In nativist Canada, the use of imported social reproduction to suppress productivity innovations and social reproduction infrastructure development (beyond elder medical care), results in low cultural capital and low cultural-capital requirements for natives across education and decent work. This may be associated with Canada’s global economic niche, managing extractivism.

In contrast to the US, suppressed cultural-capital Canadian natives retain collective coordination capacity, are not isolated and funneled to the same extent into military, policing, and surveillance organization and work. This means that in the US, the same use of imported social reproduction results politically in more fascist politics. In Canada, imported social reproduction results in a conservative-liberal coalition to keep immigrants vulnerable and the immigration tap flowing.

So conservative-liberal v. fascist politics. This is a far more objective way to explain political difference and political stability/change today than middle-mind conservative-liberal political science’s piss-poor “populism” critique, which asserts that conservative liberalism = democracy and civility, decreeing in unblushing partisanship and raging empirical invalidity that all anti-democratic and incivil actions are confined to the repertoires of rival political frameworks.

Moreover, while the political marketing of the critique of populism prohibits credible specification of the mechanism between regime stability and transformation, relying simply on crass dehumanization of the domestic dispossessed and mystification of the imported dispossessed, the political-economic framework by contrast has the virtue of distinguishing mechanisms of political stabilization and destabilization. Political stabilization hypothesis: boundary management via enculturated, proceduralist educational and labour market discrimination. Political destabilization hypothesis: Militarized boundary policing. Stabilization and destablization would be engineered around economic accumulation requirements.

 

Bibliography

Dean, D. 2013. “75% of the World’s Mining Companies are Based in Canada.” Vice.

Desai, R. 2017. Canadian Capitalism & Imperialism.

 

For Services Rendered: Market-rate Payment Up Front

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Note: A la carte menu items are priced according to an algorithm containing the variables: a) interested parties’ capacity to pay, where “interested parties” designates originating parties, and does not refer to any intermediary agent making the commission inquiry; and b) my assessment of the cost of tooldom to me, a person of modest means. You will see below that given the interested parties’ capacity to pay, my rates are an incredible bargain.

RE: Research and publication services involving the care of infants and youth: If you have to ask, you can’t afford it. My lifetime supply of unpaid labour is long overdrawn.

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Theory and comparative empirical research, critical: Immigration, gender & social reproduction; imperialism & racialization; metatheory; political sociology, Power Resources, Power Elite and networks; waste siting and internal colonialism in capitalism; social epidemiology; militarization, financialization, and carceralization. Prix Fixe, Included with academic TT position
Theory and empirical research, coalitional-constructivist: Economic democracy, FT & economic solidarity, co-ops, & unions; historical materialism, critical realism, epigenetics and developmental biology; social movements; history of working class struggle, instituted achievements & state capacities. Prix Fixe, Included with academic TT position
The history of the Atlantic Anglo Empire-Scandianvian rivalry, including as expressed in international organizations, & Atlantic Empire tactics to undermine Scandinavian moral credibility, particularly where the Anglo Empire bombs places, converts citizens into migrants, Scandinavia takes them in and settles them, and Atlantic Empiroids publish denunciations of social democracy on behalf of the immigrants. A la carte: $100,000 per essay on the theme of Social Democracy & Scandinavians are the Racist, They Have No Moral Standing (UN Meeting Motions Against Militarized Apartheid Are Totally Illegitimate).
Comparative empirical research into the macro-history of migration & capitalism; 100 years history of imperial interventions, migration, and resettlement politics/discourse, policy, and outcomes, particularly in Scandinavia, Austria, France, UK, US, & Canada. A la carte: $100,000 per essay on the theme, ‘Open Borders’: Curing the Welfare State & Racist Working Class

1) Sample Contract for the Service “Social Democracy & Scandinavians are the Racist” Article/Essay/Chapter

We the undersigned Academic and Intermediary do hereby contract for the Academic to pen an article or essay, receivable by Intermediary within one month, in which Academic shall argue that Social Democracy and Scandinavians are the Racist, They Have No Moral Standing.

This article shall:

a) Prominently feature some decontextualized Scandinavian politician statements or policy proposals that are, at least appear to, or can be argued to be symbolically violent toward Immigrants.

b) Cite some immigrant grievances in Scandinavia. This will be shooting fish in a barrel as immigrants are  not at home, are in transition, and Scandinavians themselves are working with immigrants to ask these questions, improve the system.

c) Not consider by contrast, how immigrants in liberal countries, ie Canada, are mandated to silence about grievances with the country, its people. The article will not provide context showing how the implicit anti-racist model, Commonwealth liberal settler countries, import a low percentage of refugee migrants, and, because the point isn’t to improve the immigration system in a developmental, humanitarian direction, assign media and the ethnic business communities the responsibility of enforcing discipline eliciting ritualistic, public loyalty affirmations from immigrants.

c) Construct immigrants as a racialized, permanent ontological category;

d) Depict Scandinavians as blonde Nazis;

e) Invoke a narrative structure posing Blonde Beast Social Democrat Scandinavians just abducting this Race of Immigrants out of the blue in order to restage Kristallnacht.

f) Avoid the context (Anglo-American imperial war, eg. in the Middle East) of how these immigrants came to be living in Scandinavia;

g) Include no data, including no comparative data, on immigrant composition/characteristics (category of immigration–refugee, family reunification; education level or enrollment; gender and age composition of immigrants) or outcomes over time and generation, save data on employment levels upon immigrant arrival;

h) Include no data, including comparative data, on public attitudes toward immigrants and immigration; public resources accessible to immigrants; nor any data on how long Scandinavian countries have been taking in successive waves of populations bombed out of their homes by the US/UK/France & Israel, nor any data on how those successive waves of immigrants have fared in Scandinavia across outcome indicators;

i) Include no data on how much research and public advocacy is funded and dedicated to immigrants within Social Democratic Scandinavian countries, nor how many immigrants are involved in and managing this work in Scandinavia.

j) Rather, create the impression that Scandianvia is a dank Capitalist/Nazi bunker  screaming for the replacement of its political leadership and all its labour markets with the sagacious and moral experience of Imperial race, labour market, and communist revolution experts;

k) Conclude with thoughts about how there is no sense in studying or organizing a social democratic coalition, because it will just end up in fascism. All we need to know is a story about Bernstein.

l) Conclude with thoughts on how base, abject Social Democratic Scandinavians have no moral standing (such conclusion as may be further applied for example in international organizations, particularly when the unpleasant topic of imperial bombing or apartheid is raised).

In exchange for this service, the Academic shall receive US$100,000, of which half shall be paid in advance, and half upon receipt of contracted service. In lieu of cash transfer, a greater market value in cars and real estate assets will be considered.

2) Sample Contract for the Service “‘Open Borders’: Curing the Welfare State & Racist Working Class” Article/Essay/Chapter

We the undersigned Academic and Intermediary do hereby contract for the Academic to pen an article or essay, receivable by Intermediary within one month, in which Academic shall argue that The Racist Problem to Be Eradicated in the US is Borders (AKA Society, Citizenship, and the Remnant Welfare State).

This article shall:

a) Randomly list some of the legal, carceral, and policing injustices visited upon American hemisphere working class immigrants to the United States, just enough to plausibly recall a Left posture, and connect these injustices to Borders and native working class & smallholder savagery;

b) Meanwhile avoid or dismiss any systematic discussion of unfree labour, global labor arbitrage and social reproduction effects within capitalism, semi-regulated mass migration’s contribution to union decline, or impacts on low-wage labor.

c) En passant, this article may mention why Latin Americans were uprooted from their homes, but this military intervention should in no way be linked systematically to the US’s global political-economic role and labor’s relationship to that; rather the mobilization must be breezily implied to be caused by Borders and White Smallholders.

d) It should be left assumed that uprooting is on balance a positive outcome for a racialized ontological category, the Immigrant. Logic: After all, how can the Immigrant exist, if citizens aren’t disrupted? You’re welcome, Immigrants! We are your saviours. Anti-racism.

e) Vigorously assert that mass semi-regulated immigration has but positive economic effect in the US;

f) Deploy phrase “work that Americans won’t take,” as if that’s not blatantly an employer framing denying all Marxist social reproduction analysis.

g) Avoid identifying Who’s Driving This Bus, and What Are The Contents of Chuck Schumer’s Stock Portolio? Avoid dwelling on the role Open Borders played in restoring the Latin American population to California, but only to avoid linking that demographic shift to the Democrat Party’s recently restored electoral viability in California, and especially to avoid a thorough-going analysis of the extent to which this iteration of demographic-shift political strategy can work for the Dems in the larger US, comparisons with the Dem Party’s historical reliance on demographic political shift (African-American internal migration in the mid 20th century) and its emancipatory limits (the financialized surveillance-and-war economy and its militarized carceral state), the extent to which the Dem Party is promoting the Open Borders political frame, and the probability that anarcho-communists, as opposed to capitalists, have been and will be providing the substantive content of Open Borders policy in this Dem Party coalition.

h) Never admit the starkly-obvious political-module homologies between anti-racist 1980s anti-welfare state politics, anti-racist anti-public education politics of the 1990s-2000s, and today’s anti-racist anti-borders politics and political coalition. Identify society, citizenship rights as the downpresserman (according to the conservative political philosophy we founded progressivism upon after 1968).

i) Keep the critique of labor vulnerability policy and institutions secondary to the Open Borders frame, implying that labor vulnerability is simply an epiphenomenal effect of native smallholder racism, easily disposed of, rather than a central concern of capitalism, and Borders are the principal factor cause of labor vulnerability.

j) While being spectacularly incurious, ahistorical, and unrealistic about who controls, and has long controlled, Open Borders frame and policy (Politically-organized capital.), suggest that alternative policy approaches, such as state-backed unions regulating employers, are impractical and unthinkable.

k) While diligently avoiding a thorough-going political-economic analysis, be sure to not consider that the current problem with Borders is that they have become heavily militarized to surveill and regulate smallholders, even while open-borders mass migration soared, and that, like militarized public schools are not public schooling, militarized borders have little to do with societal borders. Do not suggest that the driving problem is that the US labour market has been retooled for policing and incarceration on behalf of Atlantic imperialism’s Nightwatchman state-brand surveillance and military tech commodity market.

l) Conclude by identifying as racist any analysis maintaining that the target of real left organizing cannot be to dismantle the welfare state, public schools, or the porous, far-flung borders of the sprawling Manifest Destiny country, but rather to organize and strategize the rebuilding of a working class-participatory parity-scaled civilian society with non-militarized, human-developmental economic roles for the working class, such as have been increasingly, coalitionally denigrated and eliminated since the capitalism-coordinating restoration of Atlantic finance.

In exchange for this service, the Academic shall receive US$100,000, of which half shall be paid in advance, and half upon receipt of contracted service. In lieu of cash transfer, a greater market value in cars and real estate assets will be considered.

Backgrounder

When I was developing my diss project back in the day, my advisor was a lovely 2nd gen feminist who’d gained prominent international stature by lucking into a respectable newspaper baroness bequest as well as by writing about Swedish economic democracy from a feminist perspective. She suggested a project: I could work under her friend, a research manager with the state-funded Swedish Working Life Institute. The research plan was that I would care for and interview immigrant children in Sweden to record how Swedish society and the state was failing them. This would contribute to my advisor’s friend’s larger, multi-decade, state-funded research agenda. I prepared by reading contemporary articles like Chris Caudwell’s New York Times exposes on Swedish immigration failure, OECD and Migration Institute analyses of “immigration crisis” in Sweden, and books like Alan Pred’s “Even in Sweden,” all making the case that there was a racist and market crisis in Sweden, and social democracy was to blame.

Across the consensus that the social democratic state was a failure because immigrants, the story was a little confusing, though, because immigrants were cast both as criminals and victims. Media types argued that the social democratic state had to be shut down because of immigrant criminals. As a sociologist, surely my job was to show that immigrants were victims of the social democratic state. But unlike masculine economists, whose job was to show that immigrants are economic victims of the social democratic state, my sociological lady-job would be to show that immigrant babies feel bad because of the social democracy.

When I got to Sweden, I found out that like my advisor, her researcher friend was approaching the end of her long career, and actually already had a Swedish PhD advisee working on the final stages of that particular project, minus the caring labor because male researchers don’t use that research and advocacy methodology. (Sidebar: Not only community-based research but pro-immigrant/-immigration advocacy organizations expect women to contribute child care work in the course of their volunteer advocacy work as well. In both research and advocacy, it is thought that child care work is a way that the female outsider can contribute in kind to a subaltern community she’s working with, offering both tangible social reproduction labor and a symbolic gesture toward community restoration. Male researchers and advocates don’t do this, or they manage female researchers to do it, because no subaltern community expects dominant-society men to do free social reproduction work when they obviously have paid work to do. Male researchers just nobly manifest their gender and colonial status, a golden shower of dignity upon the researched subaltern community.)

In Sweden I was invited by the Left Party to a model immigration research debriefing and policy-formation meeting in which a Left Party representative’s daughter presented her research, conducted at the University of Minnesota, arguing that Somalis had it great in the liberal immigration regime, whereas they were victimized by the social democratic state and society. (That caring, expert immigration knowledge didn’t hold up to subsequent revelations that Somalis were actually subjected to egregious policing and surveillance in the liberal country, nor the fact that they are equally confined to high-rise towers no one else wants to live in. But that dog-bites-man story does not have an intellectual market.)

I was struck by this whole situation. Why did my advisor believe that I should, for my dissertation, just shadow her good friend’s advisee’s nearly-completed immigrant grievance-amplification project, in a field of research crowded with immigrant grievance amplification? How is that a dissertation? Why would I, as an American, even serve as a backup for this research agenda?: Amplifying the grievances of immigrants to another country. In the tremendous doctorate-level contribution that is redundant discursive amplification, did anyone care about the context or actual data for what was a sometimes implicit, sometimes explicit comparison? As someone who woke up every week day for four years to take Swedish classes, why would I be a good candidate for interviewing people who spoke neither Swedish nor English all that well? What is that even about, especially given that Sweden, as a social democratic country, clearly had piles of academic and state workers and organizations, including immigrants, already dedicated to this task, and that these had a legitimate, funded state-society role, and their advocacy research was far and away more influential on politics and policy than any sociology research agenda in Atlantic Anglo-America?

And so my actual dissertation was born, a social science project beyond discourse: What were the array of challenges and assets immigrants arrived to in Sweden? What were their life chances? What did the intergenerational life chances look like? How did these all compare to immigrant outcomes in liberal regimes? What was going on with these concerted, if contradictory, international discursive projects to hang war migrants’ violated innocence and criminality on Swedish social democracy? Where were the demand for contextless pathologizations and denunciations of the Swedish social democratic society coming from, where were they selling? Why were immigrants and immigration the vehicle for this project, given their migration was forced by imperial disruption?

Fast-forward to 2018, as the Atlantic Left joins the Dem Party-capitalist campaign for Open Borders coalition. What should support this bedfellowing? How  ’bout another contextless discursive round of How social democratic societies fail immigrants and Nordic people are Nazi Viking Marauders? Yeah, just go back to that well! This time, though, it’s really righteous, because Nordic-social democratic fascism for sure. Not unlike before. OK, but it’s really righteous because this time, instead of comparing Social Democratic Immigration Failure to liberalism, the Left, at least, compares Social Democratic Immigration Failure to FULL (ideal) COMMUNISM. We’re learning new political tactics! And See? Communists have a place in the Dem Party.

Can’t wait for the discourse this time, unlike all the times since the 1970s, to result in some seats for the Dem Party, as well as of course totally-rewarding, It’s A Small World imperialism-driven migration, and INTERSECTIONAL COMMUNIST REVOLUTION. Hell, this will even be satisfying from the perspective of Israel’s geopolitical need for revenge on and moral containment of Sweden, which has repeatedly played a critical, anti-apartheid role in international institutions. And yet, howevermuch I look to you exactly like the sort of person who should spend a lot of “research” and “education” time babysitting for free, if you want the Scando-slag service, you know what, I’ve studied how this political discourse goes, I know how it works and what its function is, my expertise is worth it, and this one, my friends, is a commodified “knowledge” market. Go back to your empire Party boss–er, partners, communists, and bring me back some money. Then we’ll talk bizniz.

Pay up

Do these ovaries make me look slavey?

Dem Party Strategy as Management Subclass Interest

Since the Humphrey-Mondale-Freeman Modernization period (1940s-1968), the Dem Party strategy has been to dump out White slavers, drive them out of the Democrat Party.

To be clear:

The Dem Party strategy is to work with Republicans, the slaver party, to maintain the US as a society specializing in managerial surveillance and regulation, and militarized-policing labor, as well as to maintain “Open” Borders for discount support work (social reproduction, infrastructure maintenance, productive labor). Funneling past wealth and future wealth to global metropolitan capitalists, Dems and Republicans together deplete citizenship rights and expand slavers’ institutions across the Union, while coercively pushing (with imperial interventions) and pulling migrant labor into the US to lower the cost of labor. This is the liberal definition of altruism.

Liberal altruism achieves credibility through organizing pro-migrant and pro-immigration activists into the Open Borders coalition; and by the credible threat of White-brand terror campaigns, it promotes a sense of urgency, inevitability, and moral righteousness. Any working class-centric alternatives to the Open Borders working class-disorganizing, slavery system are denounced as enabling Republican state terror, posed as the only other organizable option.

The model showcase for this Dem Party strategy is California, where Open Borders policy attracted (pent-up) mass migration–especially Hispanic mass migration– that maintained group integrity, and outweighed and out-muscled policies to make migrant workers vulnerable. This migration largely settled California’s familiar geography and historically-contiguous territory.

Fairly efficiently, those settlers have provided votes largely to the Democrat Party, in recognition of that party’s maintenance of Open Borders policy and its comparatively moderate position on domestic state terror. Incentivized by capital’s demand for labor-factor mobility (labor arbitrage), the Dem Party believes that the electoral success they had with the bipartisan Open Borders strategy in California is universally replicable.

Further thoughts on Open-Borders Cosmopolitanism

Goodhart, David. 2013. “Why the left is wrong about immigration.” The Guardian.

Goodhart’s argument points toward the fact that individualistic capitalist liberalism (or anarcho-capitalism) discredits collective rights of the working class, such as citizenship rights. That is why a coalition of economists, financiers, left-liberals, liberals, and anarchists see migration, including disruptive, dislodging imperial warfare inducing migration, as the solution to inequity. In their view, labor arbitrage (enabled by immiseration and imperial warfare) will make financial capitalism, extraction, climate crisis, managerialism, surveillance, and blanket militarized policing and warfare whole and virtuous.

Because they only have to circulate populations to make metropole virtue in their view, liberals don’t care what happens to migrants once they’ve been circulated to the core. So that immigration consists of citizenship Lite or parole/semi-criminalized status, prison slave workhouse sentences, and egregious immigration qualification-job skills mismatch.

Note that David Graeber pointed out that in capitalist societies, the only forms of collective action that are unambiguously legal for the working class to engage in is through religious and ethnic networks, or of course vertically, in collaboration with the capitalist class. As TH Marshall noted, citizenship rights were up to late 1960s expanded in response to working class pressure to allow for democratic development by permitting solidarity, collective action beyond the market and religious-ethnic groups. Neoliberalism halts and reverses rights expansion as geographically “exclusionary,” a set of misallocated collective action privileges merely corresponding to the lived boundaries of working class life. Neoliberals instead fight for dislodging and inducing the global flow of capital and other factors of production as proper liberation.

Just as capitalists systematically discount social reproduction work in order to accumulate wealth, liberals in capitalist societies systematically de-institutionalize and criminalize working class collective action capacity. Thereupon, imperial wars can be waged and laboring migrants can be circulated without considering the costs and who is bearing them.

Angela Nagle wrote a piece, “The Left Case against Open Borders” arguing against the reigning anarcho-capitalist Open Borders coalition. It’s mostly a pretty good argument, although she is naive about a border-policing technology, E-Verify. I can kind of understand because it started as a way of regulating employers. As surveillance software deployed by the US police state, however, it’s been converted into surveilling employees, which makes workers vulnerable, vulnerable to super-exploitation. The Left alternative would be to unionize all migrant labor and have unions regulate employers. Unions certainly regulated Marxists; they could regulate employers’ hiring practices.

Certainly, the Left should be mobilizing to reduce management, surveillance technologies, ICE, and the entire militarized police state. Until the left finds a way of building better jobs for the working class than what we’ve got–what effectively amounts to a vast foreign- AND domestic-pointed military, “Open Borders” is just co-optive, fake-altrueese for the Chamber of Commerce’s agenda: no-citizenship, no-rights, discount labor circulation, subsidizing concentrated wealth accumulation while deferring the economic check of paying for social reproduction work, and freed up by military interventions. Open Borders is a policy that was automated decades ago, by politically-mobilized capital. The Dems and the Republicans just alternate who gets to put the capitalist screws, teargas, and handcuffs on workers, including the rightsless, vulnerable migrant workers.

The 2018 Swedish vote and the global problem of political and apolitical conservatism

Antiracism in Sweden: The Left Party

To understand the recent election in Sweden, Doug Henwood interviewed an apparently stand-up guy, a California Democratic Party politico, Daraka Larimore-Hall, who also consults for the Swedish Social Democratic Party (the SAP).

First, the two valid points the California-based political consultant brought up:

1) Social democracy depends upon socialism. Or as I always like to put it: Socialism is the backbone of social democracy. You remove your vertebrae and see how that goes.

2) Across Europe, the Right can secure no more than 20% of the voting population, though depending on the electoral representation system, this can be enough to push the rest of the parties “rightward.” The solution is anti-racist organization that recognizes immigrants and restores class critique.

Yes! But however valid this second insight is, it is riddled with serious problems as formulated and as forwarded on the Behind the News interview. Larimore-Hall suggested both parts of the solution, though he did not put them together in the interview. I did, and before me, the Swedes did. Henwood separated them, and explicitly rounded out the interview railing against the strawman of race-blind leftism. What professional, liberal American elitists want everyone to agree is that their network alone can offer anxious, labor-affiliated European parties their special race knowledge “borne of over 200 years of experience.”

What people need to know is that for its entire existence, anti-racist organization that restores class critique has been the primary role of Vansterpartiet, the Left Party in Sweden. Vansterpartiet is the party of socialist immigrants, socialist ethnic-Swedes, and socialist-feminists. Behind them is Sweden’s historical pro-left refugee policy, its tight social science capacity, far more-developed historical-materialist culture, as well as its long experience as an immigration country (only interrupted by the mid-19th-early 20th century emigration). As experts in this ideas and organizing work, Vansterpartiet were enormously successful, keeping the Right disorganized and in miniscule numbers in Sweden. A good question: Why is the SAP importing political expertise from California when it has a working relationship with Vansterpartiet? Is the global liberal meritocrat network more important than real anti-racism?

capitfodrasism

“Who needs to school whom?” A photograph from the turn of the 21st century.

Let’s look at the data: This 2018 election the SAP did not lose votes to the Sweden Democrats. The bourgeois parties lost votes to the Sweden Democrats. The SAP lost votes to Vansterpartiet. This is because liberal elitism not only cannot fix today’s social alienation, it exacerbates it. In terms of anti-racist organization, all the liberal American elitists have got nothing to teach the Swedes. They also have little insight to offer about turning around the hinterlands barbarians more generally, because they cannot recognize (in the Hegelian sense) hinterlands people. They literally do not see them; the US is too vast and the North American interior periphery is a lousy place–You’re not going there if you don’t have to. And in an obdurate inegalitarian context, their privileged status and income, their inclusion, depends on not recognizing hinterlands people.

Tragedy & Farce

In contrast to Vansterpartiet’s approach, liberal elitism’s operationalization of anti-racist organization can be a grotesque parody, a farce. In the Meritocrats’ account, Right-wing parties push other parties rightward, and this is imagined to be because the parties are too anxious to capture the Right’s dying, “white” middle-class vote. Perhaps it is based in the California experience. Nonetheless, this is a spurious general formulation; its extension leans too heavily on the narrow equation of meritocracy, liberal elitism (or apolitical conservatism), with virtues, such as anti-racist virtue, distinguishing it from conservative elistism (or political conservatism). Theirs is a peculiar definition of what it means to be a thorough-going anti-racist; and it is constrained by what Dem Party politicos mean when they resolve to “stay the course,” to stick with their brand.

Empirically, under “anti-racism” consultant expertise, the SAP blew itself up (lost the election) in 2006 by campaigning on an anti-Facketgubbe (anti-Union Good Old Boy) “blame and shame” platform to wrest northern communities’ communist leaders from their jobs, and replace them with immigrants from the urban south of Sweden. This “anti-racism” platform was designed by in-house (conservative immigrant Swedish) consultants and championed by the SAP’s most EU-oriented politicians. As a real campaign platform, it was everything an anti-racist American Meritocrat could only dream of. It was also everything the conservative parties and their American political consultants could dream of.

Both time-order and identified interests (Bourdieu 2005: 102) warrant a causal claim here, rather than mere association: Hopelessly chained to the lodestone of absolute private property right, global liberal elitism, apolitical conservatism, has helped the world’s growing billionaire class advance political conservatism. It has even in recent years helped bring the Sweden Democrats from their long war of position at the margins into the polity.

Pursuing the transcendent vision the US Democratic Party recommends, specified clearly as conceptualizing hinterlands peoples as a ruined (economically and morally) and so ethically-disposable population–that is, heroically shifting the liberal concept of “ruined”expropriable–peoples from the early -20th century liberal racist imaginary to the neoliberal geographic and class imaginary, neoliberalized parties are “governing to the demographic-electoral future,” using the racial categories of today. That is, they are hoping to buy the credit of future voters by naming and shaming, sacrificing the lives of excluded, feared and vulnerable, nationalized “White” citizens–but not their conservative White bosses, who are organized as political conservatives–upon diminishing citizenship rights and crippling debt.

This self-celebrated liberal elitist version of “anti-racism” contributed to the political realignments over the past 15 years that have allowed the Sweden Democrats, in consultation and strategic coordination with Right-wing parties within slavers’ societies, to develop as a party from a very small population of marginalized Nazis. At this historic moment, the Sweden Democrats and mobilizing like parties around the world use their properly-conservative credibility as uncompromising protectors of nationalisms (symbolic or material), to offer a politicized network alternative to what we’ve grown accustomed to: neoliberalization, or the conservatization of liberalism. This is to also say, contra Giddens (1998), that neoliberalization, both from the right and from the left, was never an equilibrium “Third Way.” It was an apolitical conservatism always restoring political conservatism.

Internationalism > Cosmopolitanism

In Sweden it is also the case that Larimore-Hall’s analysis, and by extension the liberal elitist analysis, is absolutely invalid in important empirically-verifiable respects. For many political-economic reasons, the nationalized non-elite citizens of social-democratic Sweden are not the nationalized non-elite citizens of 1980s-90s California. Crudely applying the Dem Party electoral modernization strategy from California to national and global contexts, Larimore-Hall claims that hinterlands barbarians in small Swedish manufacturing towns “as in the U.S. Midwest” are the main Right base (along with older immigrant enclaves). This is absolutely wrong. Larimore-Hall has no political-geographic analysis; perhaps he’s spent too much time in metropoles. He’s probably certainly spent too much time in US Dem Party employment.

What happened in Sweden’s northern manufacturing towns in the 2018 vote is that more people voted Vansterpartiet. If you’re a political Marxist, you may note that that took their votes away from Larimore-Hall’s employer and Dem Party sister org, the SAP: That’s powerful incentive to analytical error. If you’re a structuralist, you will affirm that economically, these manufacturing-base hinterlands have no interest in making immigrants vulnerable. It makes all kinds of sense that they transferred votes to the pro-immigrant party at the expense of the cosmopolitan party. If your primary motivation is liberal elitism, you won’t even be able to hear this fact and analysis, let alone grasp them. To spell it out: The non-meritorious are not morally ruined, their interests are not an economic dead-end, and it’s not ethical to expropriate their worlds. Don’t believe everything capitalism tells you–especially when it’s flattering you.

Moreover, if you knew Swedish history, you would know that Sweden, with its higher state automony (thanks to the socialism behind social democracy, permitting sovereignty dispersed across class, gender, and race), developed Active Labour Market Policies (ALMPs) that planned for global market developments, and sank resources into continually retraining and relocating workers out of aging industries. Yes, ALMPs have declined as neoliberalization has ascended, and Swedish workers bear more of the brunt of economic disruption. However, they’re still relatively protected, Sweden still manufactures as well as innovates technologically, and they simply are not the Right’s electoral base. What they are is a force behind the long-standing Swedish political-economic Scandinavianism, as a counterweight to conservatization. This is why they are the targeted bete noir of liberal elitists’ political parties.

Political-economic Scandinavianism is not a racial politics. It’s a long-standing, often-thwarted internationalist aspiration of Swedes to form a coalitional alternative to serving as a tributary region to Germany (as the more right-wing Danes have long done), the UK (as Norway and Denmark have long done), and to the US (as Norway and Denmark have notably done). To keep Sweden’s prime economic niche, Sweden needs independence from the EU and Germany, as Germany thrives by monopolizing high-end science, technology, and manufacturing. Political-economic coalitional Scandinavian semi-autonomy, and the sub-regions that support political-economic Scandinavianism, is a thorn in the side for the political careerists in the SAP, because the EU is European politicos’ career apex. Again, Larimore-Hall’s analytical failure is the probable result of who pays his bills. Maybe Henwood should triangulate with people who study Sweden to contribute to the community of scholars’ knowledge, rather than relying for corrective “leftist” analysis on paid consultants whose chief authority is how their liberal elitist framework resonates in the alienated metropoles.

vikingake

Beyond Borders: Anti-immigrant Politics in Southern Sweden

Where the Right picked up votes from the bourgeois parties is in southern Sweden. This region is not an analogue to the post-industrial US Midwest. It’s an imperfect analogue to the agriculture-extractive aspect of the Midwest. Manufacturing was not dispersed across southern Sweden because that part of the country did not need the economic stimulus to survive capitalism.  What southern Sweden is is a bourgeois, high-population region with agriculture at its extractive economic base. It is the most Danish-entwined population, culture and political-economy in Sweden, indicating both inegalitarian cultural strains rooted in exploitative agricultural class relations, and Euro-German subsidiarization.  Agricultural capital is usually property-belligerent, because agriculture depends on appropriating nature’s work while hyper-exploiting labor (Though, to be thorough, in the early days on the 20th century, the SAP was able to launch partially based on a temporary, Red-Green coalescence of interests between farmers and labor). When immigrants come into any country, agricultural capital and their dependents want those immigrants as vulnerable as possible.

As Sweden has incorporated more refugees, family-reunification, and other immigrants, and as its bourgeois parties deregulated labor markets, over the first 18 years of the 21st century, the political-economic leadership interest of the affluent, populous agricultural region of Sweden has switched to a significant (though not total) extent from the bourgeois EU integration priority to an immigrant-exploiting priority. Whether this direction of change is temporary or not depends on many factors, which include but are certainly not limited to left strategy.

The interview between Larimore-Hall and Henwood is everything you’d ever want to know about why the international network of neoliberalized labour-affiliated parties are all strategically adrift, and, in the liberal world, drowning at the national and regional levels. To pull few punches, it’s related to how this ocean-views, echo-chamber network of paid political strategists and Thought Leaders can’t quit the liberal version of elitism, meritocracy, or apolitical conservatism. Why they cannot quit the disastrous meritocratic virtue framework is because it pays their bills, as well as fluffs their sense of self.

Lessons from Sweden

There are no lessons from Sweden to be learned about the utility of brow-beating, and further threatening the incomes of, hinterlands barbarians.

There are no lessons from Sweden to be learned about the utility of shaming socialists to bolster your own sense of Meritocratic virtue in combat with conservative elitists (Because what other strategic value could it have?).

The English-speaking left could step up its internationalist game and reach out to Vansterpartiet. The small, hard-working Vansterpartiet still does very effective anti-racism work. There are lessons to be learned from Sweden in how to plan and execute anti-racist organization that restores class critique. This expertise has been developed in a context relatively free of police repression and slavers’ institutions, so it is both advanced, and it’s heavy, difficult work to translate directly into countries where policing and slavers’ institutions dominate society.

A central lesson to be learned from Sweden today is that we have to figure out how to fix liberal elitism, meritocracy ideology within the capitalist context. Tweedledum rival to conservative elitism, it is what shocks life into the fascist body agglomerated upon the cold stone dias of inequality.

300px-Narcissus-Caravaggio_(1594-96)_edited

Know your market! Some day someone needs to write the book on American conservatives’ and meritocrats’ undying, consumptive hunger to transfer all their prodigious failures upon the Scandinavian social democrats, whether it’s racism and xenophobia, failure to recognize the existential threat of Islam, failure to achieve communism, failure to reverse capitalogenic climate crisis, or failure to produce justice. It’s almost as if there are paying interests behind this narrative.

Privilege, Elitism, and Rivalristic Symbolic Dominations

Shamus Khan (Sociology, Columbia), author of Privilege (2012), analyzes inegalitarian, predatory class social reproduction via elite education institutions. Privilege etymologically means an exclusive legal system for elites, set apart from laws that govern commoners.  This was a better Behind The News Henwood interview.

Khan examines how modern elite education institutions instill the elite privilege disposition, oblivious entitlement. Entitlement, I’ll further suggest, to both monopolistic access to resources, credit, and cooperation (making, in the Scarry 1985 sense), as well as to exploitation and appropriation (unmaking). The elite privilege disposition, or elitism, helps reproduce scarcity, though the context may be abundance (eg. an $80+ trillion global economy). It’s an important contributor to capitalist reproduction.

Elitism is a foundation of apolitical conservatism. It denies non-elite human development capacity. Insofar as elitists suppose, following Edmund Burke (1790), that non-elites uniquely fail to develop beyond a natural or structural disposition to pettiness (provincialism, parochialism, narcissism, exploitation and expropriation, stupidity, withholding cooperation or credit), elitism problematizes distributed sovereignty and poses it as a central social crisis to be “solved.”

Elite privilege incentivizes symbolic domination, for liberals particularly through meritocracy and cosmopolitan discourses, for conservatives particularly through Excellence discourse. What’s attractive, or co-optative, about Excellence discourse is that it is about exceptionalism. Just as you may occasionally buy a lottery ticket, anyone can imagine herself as an exception.

In contrast,  meritocracy discourse is about superior capacity to successfully execute a long-game individual or familial (multigenerational), multi-pronged domination strategy within the rules of an inegalitarian society. Both forms of elitism reproduce scarcity. If, as Bourdieu (2005: 186) described, “The petit bourgeoisie spend their whole lives trying to adjust themselves to their limited possibilities, their deceptive successes leading to complete dead ends…’doomed to structural decline,’” meritocracy discourse is a decreasingly-appealing, increasingly uncompetitive version of elitist symbolic domination.

Across fields of privilege and elitism, the conservative symbolic-domination advantage is clear, if baffling and infuriating to meritocratic apolitical conservatives, elitists who may even be politically liberal or critical. Now regard the unhappy marriage of apolitical conservatism and political conservatism (Robin 2017) and you realize How We Got to Trump & Kavanaugh.

Recommendations for Sweden

Keep pouring energy into internationalism and supporting internationalist innovation.

Build separate tracks within the SAP for domestic and EU public service.

The US Democrat Party is poison at home and in its worldwide coalition. It is constrained not by the limits of its politicos’ intelligence, identity, portfolios, prestige networks, or personal achievements, but by the limits of the interests that can be expressed in the polity of an anti-democratic, slaver-institution-bedevilled country at the center of global capitalism. Use all your diplomacy. Enjoy cocktails and ocean sailing together. But do not implement its handsome, articulate, likable operatives’ well-meaning strategic recommendations.

Reverse bourgeois governments’ legislation.

Recognize the contributions of socialists and reward the contributions of Vansterpartiet.

Bring in Pasi Sahlberg to restore public education.

As long as the private sector is male-dominated, and heterosexual families predominate, the public sector needs to remain female-dominated; and feminists should save addressing that difference for the last feminist policy change.

Keep strategizing for the development of a Nordic alliance.

Now and again, nationalize the banks.

Translate Swedish materialist philosophy into English.

Find a way to get back to Meidner’s plan for socializing the surplus.

Open Borders & the Carceral Candyland

A couple weeks later, Henwood interviews one of those German idealists, who proposes that we should ignore political economy and concentrate on the cultural failure of the hinterlands Rural Idiots, particularly the East Germans, who, presumably because of their rude communist history, fail to celebrate the relocation of imperially-disrupted populations. The stupid point of this meritocrat/cosmopolitan discourse is about how it’s the Rural Idiots–former communists–who are to blame for the lack of working class solidarity. Not that there’s anything to be done besides side with financial capital, open borders, and demand the “just” expropriation of the hinterlands and the welfare state.

In the German case, Henwood asks if voters are migrating left to right (Perhaps an anachronistic assumption borrowed from the “What’s the Matter with Kansas?” thesis. As per above, he and his California Dem Party rising star had incorrectly assumed that was the case in Sweden.) The interviewee clarifies that the anti-immigrant right-wing party in German is taking votes from all quarters, for different reasons. However, this diversity of adherents the German uses as evidence that Die Linke should not be opposing neoliberalization or replacing conservatized liberal institutions.

The logic at play here is that the diversity of adherents for the anti-immigrant party means that xenophobia is a cultural institution in Germany, and not indicative of a coalition of voters dissatisfied for different reasons with the same structural constraint–neoliberalization, including in its class conflict and labor market interventions.


An aside: The master frame that xenophobia is a cultural institution in Germany is a premise Henwood continually suggests throughout the interview, and certainly a hoary piece of cultural essentialism that has haunted the idealistic German imagination, serves as a socio-psychological manipulation handle, and preempts historical-materialist analysis, abetting the conservative restoration.

It reflects an older consensus in genocide scholarship that genocide is caused by “deep divisions” between groups (Strauss, Scott. 2007. “Second-generation comparative research on genocide.” World Politics 59: 480-483). That older consensus emerged from the hegemonic Jewish community interpretation of the Shoah experience, and was better suited to serve that ethno-religious community’s modern political needs than to explain either genocide or Germany. Sometimes the metropole experience provides intellectual resources; sometimes it imposes unhelpful biases. Always it’s a loud voice. That’s why triangulation is important to valid knowledge.


The idealist proposes that the whole Left, but particularly the political parties, should be fighting for “Open Borders.” In this anarcho-liberal imaginary, capitalist liberation is equated with universal liberation. Conservatized liberal institutions are conceived in this neoliberal view as liberation from borders. Here we can see the idealistic convergence of left and right political conceptualization–or perhaps the conservative co-optation of left idealism. Yet borders always remain, and the “borders” capitalists are liberated from are not just those that serve absolutist kings or their states, but those borders, those constraints on elite liberty that have been fought for and erected to help workers liberate themselves.

Dear Gerry Mander,

If you want to join a coalition erasing and rewriting borders,
first be able to answer:

What is the scale of society at which we can have participatory parity today?

The cosmopolitan Open Borders coalition is hot with idealist and financial-metropole liberal-leftists. The key to the cosmopolitan Open Borders stratagem is that you have to suspend  belief in class conflict, and conceptualize the welfare state simply as a bureaucracy, as opposed to an historical, contested and impure institutionalization of semi-accountability to the working class within a state thats “higher” functions, as Bourdieu (2005) identified, are to support capitalist accumulation. What causes leftists to drift this way? Poor state conceptualization, and panic. Terrible things are happening in the US under conservatives, guardians of slavery. The horror is wielded to assure liberal-leftists that the open path to protecting the innocents is to join the capitalist Open Borders coalition.

I’ve discussed this for about 10 years now, but increasingly as cosmopolitans’ Open Borders idea has captured the left. The left-right Open Borders coalition will not liberate the working class because there is class conflict, and state institutions are forged in it. Open Borders work for actual universal liberty in a latter stage of communism that we are far, far away from. There are other utopias to be fought for first.

open border

Hey guys, the door to this rich man’s house is open!

There are three Open Borders strategy issues: 1) In the US, immigration policy is more subject to potential democratic intervention than other policy, because it’s not under juridical supervision. That seems hopeful. 2) However, the problem today, especially across Anglosphere countries as well as several others, is that borders and immigration are already an integral part of the militarized mass carceral-guard state and market securing unfree labor. Not just the state, but a very large and stratified market stands like a tsunami between global migrants and freedom. 3) Any shadow of Open Borders policy, within left political parties, will have to be fed strategies that divert that market and restore pre-9-11 rights of movement and freedom from surveillance.

Otherwise, we’re looking straight down the throat of open borders with prisons and indentured servitude behind them. As have been steadily erected for the past four decades.

Toward Internationalism

Rather than pining to share in bankers’ cosmopolitan virtue, pro-immigration and Open Borders, the left should struggle step-wise, methodically, to innovate and build internationalist networks and internationalism: cross-border solidarity that values and champions non-elites’ capacity to develop as social, material humans. These are related but very distinct coalitions and solidarities (See Anderson 2002, as well as Lamont & Aksartova 2002). For example, unlike cosmopolitanism, internationalism does not ever black box what induces immigration–capitalist imperialism, expropriation, and climate crisis–and that this dynamic is no favor to the working class, whether established or newcomer. Internationalism, and not cosmopolitanism, can recognize non-elites’ visceral understanding of migration as a symptom of important political-economic problems, and align sympathies and networks to address those.

Internationalism and immigrant recognition are especially, as I concluded in my 2007 dissertation, a responsibility for organized labour. Organizing and organized labour is in the best, most interested, most embedded position to fight for recognition of immigrants’ contributions across space and their human capacity for development. It is organized labour that needs to work and struggle for egaliberte work relations, including building solidarity across the working class. This is also a very good way right now for organized labour to resist capitalist cooptation.

Whereas left political parties do need to recognize the various harms neoliberalization has afflicted people with, and correspondingly do need to focus upon building alternative policies and institutions to conservatized liberal institutions. This should include supporting the work of organized labour; but there needs to be a strategic division of labor extra-polity and intra-polity, as actual social democrats have long known. Left political parties should not be celebrating immigration and “dismantling” borders, because they will only be on-neoliberal agenda, stupidly dismantling institutionalized working-class supports, driving a wide swath of orphaned voters into the Right’s waiting wings. The institutionalized capitalist supports, the class borders and prison walls, will remain and grow, and the beatings will continue until morale improves. Another form of elitism, cosmopolitanism reproduces inegalitarianism and capitalist exploitation and expropriation.

Left political parties need to turn instead to learning how to hear the mob as human voices, learning what is wrong with both kinds of elitism, political conservatism and liberal/apolitical conservatism, articulating what is wrong with elite liberty and absolute private property right, and replacing conservatized liberal institutions with internationalist networks and egaliberte policy and institutions (Here’s one good example).

You can’t just sneer and spit “Social democrats!” and clutch capital’s skirts as your strategy because, historically, effective, actually- existing social democrats (That’s not Berstein’s SPD.) had a real, strategic plan that was effective up to a significant point. We can actually apprehend it and learn from it; the English-speaking left has not so far.

Pro-Immigrant v. Pro-Immigration: Breaking the political and apolitical conservative chokehold

The liberal approach to the problem of solidarity is characterized by a relentless idealist conflation of pro-immigrant and pro-immigration. Symmetrically, as befits a two-party capitalist system, the the conservative approach to the problem of solidarity is characterized by a relentless idealist conflation of anti-immigrant and anti-immigration. Throughout this ideological and coalitional rivalry, liberals, neoliberals, and conservatives converge. They pragmatically take advantage of the empirical difference between immigrant and immigration interests and sentiment–to jointly make labour voiceless and vulnerable.

This conflation has growing resonance, because when the idealist conflation is asserted, an attempt is being made to cohere a liberal or conservative political coalition around that silent elite goal. In marketing the polity organization’s capacity for securing social cooperation for policy and institutional maintenance or change, these mobilizations have effects. A small group of true-believer White Nation political entrepreneurs equates anti-immigrant and anti-immigration. Backed by global conservative support, and reinforced by liberals who equate pro-immigrant and Open Borders, White Nation political entrepreneurs organize and draw in adherents who may not start out with much by way of anti-immigrant attitudes, but who perceive–bear the brunt of–the effects of citizenship attenuation. This was the case in Sweden, where poll after poll showed extraordinarily high pro-immigrant, low anti-immigrant attitudes for decades, through thick and thin, through immigration surges.

What’s different now is that the anti-labour thrust of anti-immigrant politics–both anti-immigration and pro-immigration— is broadcasting an audible signal, forming White Nations around immigrant and labour vulnerability goals, the vicious conservative Winner-Loser protection racket. It’s grotesque and violent, and its effects are enduring and wretched, but for many, White Nationalism is the only protective social network left to them in capitalism, where, outside of capitalist networks, only family, religious-ethnic, and militarized policing networks are not criminalized.

Breaking that advancing conservative politicization will involve breaking the conflation of anti-immigrant and anti-immigration, pro-immigrant and pro-immigration, as these twin conflations vie to coalesce political blocs for capitalist interests. Together, conservatives and liberals have been constructing a behemoth global machine for disrupting and uprooting people from their homes, drawing them into core countries, and sucking them into unfree labour and prisons, replacing labour contracts, organizations, rights, and public goods and services that broadly redistribute recognition and value, and leaving native core populations to  servitude, surveillance, militarization, and the inegalitarian White Nation protection racket. Liberals will explain this has to be the policy because some people (sometimes Blacks, sometimes Whites) are ruined. Conservatives will declare that, even though this institutional structure and the Winner-Loser dispositions it proliferates are obviously constructed, it’s natural.

The capitalist pro-immigrant/immigration Open Borders utopia springs from a venerable tradition of conservative strategy: In 1651 the original conservatizer of liberalism, Thomas Hobbes proposed in his refutation of democracy that the only freedom we need to recognize is the freedom of movement, or as his Dutch twin Grotius would further specify: freedom of imperial movement upon the seas. This conservative siren song has a proven co-optation track record. The alternative utopia is socialist–mobilizing internationalism (or “ordinary cosmpolitanism” in Lamont & Aksartova’s language), and not elite “Open Borders” cosmopolitanism.

Internationalism is the only way out of a regressive one-two chokehold that increasingly devalues and stunts migrant life while increasingly devaluing and stunting working class life. Liberalism’s lodestar is absolute private property right; without socialism, inheritor of the democratic Enlightenment, liberalism’s noblest sentiments on behalf of that absolute private property right can do nothing but return us, over and over again, to the brutal prison workhouse of inequality, inegalitarianism, and conservatism, the patriarchal enforcer. In this vortex, freedom of movement–for non-elites–is reduced to little more than a white-eyed, cold marble statue in a museum.

SONY DSC

Apolitical conservatism is not the opposite of political conservatism.

References and Further Reading

Check out the geographic and sociological distributions of the 2018 Vote at SVT NYheter’s interactive website. Because, you know, Swedes are not idiots with the sociology, the geography, and the political economy.

Abraham, David. 1996. “Liberty without Equality: The Property-Rights Connection in a ‘Negative Citizenship’ Regime.” Law & Social Inquiry, Vol. 21, No. 1, pp. 1-65.

Abraham, David. 2007. “Doing justice on two fronts: The liberal dilemma in immigration.” Ethnic and Racial Studies, 01 June 2010, Vol.33(6), p.968-985.

Abraham, David. 2014. “Immigrant integration and social solidarity in a time of crisis: Europe and the United States in a post-welfare state.” Critical Historical Studies, 01 September 2014, Vol.1(2), pp.215-253.

Anderson, Perry. 2002. “Internationalism: A beviary.” New Left Review 14.

Bacon, David. 2007. Illegal People: How Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants. Beacon Press.

Bacon, David. 2009. Interviewed by Doug Henwood, Left Business Observer.

Bacon, David. 2013. The right to stay home: How US policy drives Mexican migration. Beacon Press.

Hurst, Allison. 2018. “Do you know who your foreman voted for?” People’s World, September 24.

Lamont, Michele and Sada Aksartova. 2002. “Ordinary Cosmopolitanisms: Strategies For Bridging Racial Boundaries Among Working-Class Men.” Theory, Culture & Society 19(4): 1-25.

Sampaio, Anna. Terrorizing Latina/o Immigrants: Race, Gender, and Immigration Politics in the Age of Security. Temple University Press.

Deleuze’s "Bartleby; Or The Formula"

Deleuze, Gilles. 1998. “Bartleby; Or, The Formula,” pp. 68-90 in Essays Critical & Clinical. Verso.

Social-literary analysis, see especially pp. 84-90.

(According to Melville,) “If humanity can be saved, and the originals reconciled (with secondary humanity, the inhuman with the human), it will only be through the dissolution or decomposition of the paternal function…As Joyce will say, paternity does not exist, it is an emptiness and nothingness-or rather, a zone of uncertainty haunted by brothers, the brother and sister…Melville will never cease to elaborate on the radical opposition between fraternity and Christian ‘charity’ or paternal ‘philanthropy’…(The fraternal/sororal society) requires a new community, whose members are capable of trust or ‘confidence,’ that is, of a belief in themselves, in the world, in becoming…Long before Lawrence, Melville and Thoreau were diagnosing the American evil, the new cement that would rebuild the wall: paternal authority and filthy charity” (Deleuze 1998: 84-88).

“And what was Bartleby asking for, if not a little confidence from the attorney, who instead responds to him with charity and philanthropy–all the masks of the paternal function?” (Deleuze 1998: 88).

People should keep taking Deleuze’s essays as foundation, and focus in a sustained fashion, on Melville’s anti-conservative unfinished-Enlightenment politics, his class politics, and how they inform his critique of the (Anglo-)American Confidence-Man–i.e. the betrayal of fraternity/sorority and confidence/trust for the sake of profit/surplus accumulation, power accumulation (Not necessarily one’s own; usually one’s employer’s or client’s surplus/power accumulation).

Doesn’t the Confidence-Man betrayal = Magical Rectitude, eg. liberal social progressivism?